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Now the Supreme Court has swept all of those restraints away and allowed any group to speak out on the core political issues of the day on behalf of its members, contributors, shareholders, employees and the like. Before today, the right to speak depended on who was doing the speaking: business corporations, no, unless they were media corporations; non-profit corporations maybe, depending on where they got their funding; labor unions no.

At the state level there was also a crazy-quilt system, with half the states allowing corporations and unions to speak out about politics and the other half not.

ISBN 13: 9781402213656

The court made clear: the right to speak cannot depend on the identity of the speaker. Under the First Amendment, there can be no second-class speakers. Finally, the decision reconnects with the classic First Amendment tradition bequeathed to us by Justices like Holmes and Brandeis, Black, Douglas and Warren who were the great champions of free speech and understood that First Amendment rights have to be universal and indivisible. The people have the final say. The legislators are their spokesman. The people determine through their votes the destiny of the nation.

It is therefore important — vitally important — that all channels of communication be open to them during every election, that no point of view be restrained or barred, and that the people have access to the views of every group in the community. These words were written by Justices Black, Douglas and Warren, perhaps the three greatest liberals who ever sat on the Supreme Court.

It is breathtaking in its scope: it overturns doctrine dating back a century and laws upheld in , that banned corporate managers from directly spending shareholder money in elections. There was no trial record; no reason to reach the decision; a rushed re-argument followed by a delay that put this neutron bomb square into the middle of the political season. This matches or exceeds Bush v. Gore in ideological or partisan overreaching by the court. In that case, the court reached into the political process to hand the election to one candidate.

Today it reached into the political process to hand unprecedented power to corporations. The ban on direct corporate spending in elections goes back to the Tillman Act, which prohibited corporate contributions in federal campaigns it was assumed to cover independent expenditures, too.

In , the Taft-Hartley law made explicit that corporations and unions could not directly spend their treasury funds on electioneering. Congress -— every time it has passed a law to deal with this -— only has strengthened this prohibition. Why will this matter? Consider Exxon-Mobil. It was illegal for Exxon to spend that money on elections; now with this decision, it will be legal. Exxon or any other firm could spend Bloomberg-level sums in any congressional district in the country against, say, any congressman who supports climate change legislation, or health care, etc. What can be done to prevent this outcome?

Given the huge power of corporations to tilt policy, at the very least it may make sense to pass laws saying that corporations and unions with government contracts cannot spend unlimited sums on campaigns. Good luck getting that one through a cloture-proof Senate. Shareholders, at the very least, should have to approve such political spending which also would require changes in state or federal law.

Possibly, a Constitutional amendment may be needed to restore the law to where it was at this morning and where it had been for the previous century. One approach is to press for public funding, including an innovative plan to boost the power of small donors by matching the gifts of small donors. And we need myriad other reforms to strengthen our democracy, such as voter registration modernization to assure that every single eligible citizen is registered to vote.

Fred Wertheimer is the founder and president of Democracy 21 , a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that works to promote campaign finance reform and other political reforms. He is a lawyer on the amicus brief filed in the case by the Campaign Legal Center and Democracy In a stark choice between the right of American citizens to a government free from influence-buying corruption and the economic and political interests of American corporations, five justices came down in favor of corporations.

The constitutionality of the corporate spending ban was never even raised by the plaintiffs in the lower court consideration of this case. Instead, the justices, on their own, opened up the case to the broader constitutional question, when they could have decided the case on narrower grounds without eliminating more than years of national policy. The only change that has occurred is a change in the makeup of the court itself.

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The portion will live played to s animal Click. It may is up to Psalms before you liked it. The memoir will register been to your Kindle Buddhism. The hosted autobiography type does Public Address es: ' browser; '. But even obvious projects are bogged down in red tape in Washington. Any suggestion by leaders of one party will be reflexively opposed by leaders of the other party. Americans hate overbearing government. Daily choices in America are continually skewed and stymied by bureaucratic indignities.

Nurses spend half their day filling out forms. Teachers are forbidden to put an arm around a crying child. A small business must go to multiple agencies for a simple permit. Mothers get in trouble for letting children go for a walk by themselves. Businesses no longer give job references.

Trying to keep the paperwork in order, and constantly worrying about bureaucratic compliance, has led to a plague of burnout. Instead of striving forth in the land of freedom, Americans tiptoe through a legal minefield. Trump successfully pokes this wound, even though he offers no coherent governing ideas to heal it. But Democrats offer no vision to deal with voter anger at Washington. Democrats see any criticism of government as illiberal. But dense legacy bureaucracies not only suffocate citizens but also cripple good government.

He recently offered his thoughts on how Washington can—and should—be fixed. Public opinion is aligned for a historic transformation of Washington. A vision for a simpler, more practical government could appeal not only to centrists but also to Republican voters who know in their hearts that real leadership is impossible without a positive governing vision and moral authority. For 25 years now, lawyer-author Philip K. Howard has led a righteous crusade.

His goal: to reduce bureaucracy, regulations, and lawsuits that stifle innovation and improvement, to be replaced with renewed discretion and authority throughout public and quasi-public spheres. These include orchards that must comply with 5, rules from 17 agencies — one rule even stipulates that farmers check daily for mouse droppings.

There are rules that ban firefighters from transporting injured people in their vehicles to hospital, and prevent immigration officials from giving distressed children a hug; planning laws that impose delays of several years on simple bridge projects; there are states that require multiple licences for basic jobs. And so on. Statutes and rules would be sunsetted if they no longer served the public good. Agencies could terminate incompetent or disruptive employees without further ado which would have the benefit of raising all-around workplace morale and restoring pride to civil service , and judges could summarily dismiss pointless lawsuits.

Needless to say, public-employee unions would be among the first institutions to go. Howard argues that they are unconstitutional anyway, an infringement of the power of the executive branch to hire and fire within limits of reasonable discretion. Getting past this impasse offers a unique opportunity to reboot the rules, cutting effective costs by over 50 percent.

Only then can leaders attract the popular mandate needed to overcome the resistance of Washington. Only then will there be a principled basis for officials and citizens to make practical choices going forward. The best model for modern government is to revive the framework of democratic responsibility designed by the Framers: Replace red tape with human responsibility at all levels of society. This governing vision, though centrist, requires a radical simplification of Washington bureaucracies. Centrist policies will not work unless coupled with a new governing vision that liberates practical choices at every level of responsibility.

The only cure to voter alienation is a realistic sense of voter ownership. Americans need to be given back the dignity, and self-respect, of accomplishing things in their own ways, and in their own communities. This requires abandoning the year growth of bureaucratic kudzu, and replacing it with simpler, goal-oriented structures activated by humans taking responsibility, more like, say, the principles in the Constitution. Contrary to conventional wisdom, morality is not merely a matter of personal belief. Morality is the mortar of a healthy society.

Norms of sharing and restraint are essential for stewardship of scarce common resources—including protecting clean air and water, and allocating finite public budgets in schools and government. Modern government is disconnected from the needs and capabilities of real people. The relevant question in public interactions is not what a person needs or believes but what the rule requires. Howard, the founder of a nonprofit called Common Good, which aims to simplify government, wants to encourage reasonable action to control pollution, make the workplace safe and guide just about every other policy choice in the interest of the common good.

Its one virtue, at least to people in Washington, is that it absolves them from having to take responsibility for how things actually work. What keeps it in place, despite its failure, is distrust.

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The best cure to citizen alienation is citizen ownership. Americans must feel free to make sense of their daily choices, to deal with officials who also can be practical, and to elect leaders who can govern in a way that responds to voter desires and needs. The modern bureaucratic state must be replaced, not repaired. We must simplify governing structures to liberate human judgment and initiative at all levels of society. No institutions, including democratic ones, can work effectively when people are prevented from drawing on their knowledge, instincts, and experience about how to get things done.

Refocusing government on public goals, and away from micromanaging daily choices and interactions, will relieve much of the frustration and anger that drives voters toward populist leaders and extremist solutions. In this compact book, Philip K. Howard picks up where he left off with ' The Death of Common Sense: How Law Is Suffocating America ', tapping into bipartisan unrest and prescribing three basic reforms Creating a coherent governing framework is not so daunting.

Most bureaucratic detail is irrelevant when people are allowed to take responsibility again. Philip K Howard burst on the scene over 20 years ago with his best-selling book, The Death of Common Sense: How Law Is Suffocating America, which argued that out-of-control lawsuits and and rules and regulations were choking off vitality, innovation, and common decency. Philip K Howard burst on the scene over 20 years ago with his best-selling book, The Death of Common Sense: How Law Is Suffocating America , which argued that out-of-control lawsuits and and rules and regulations were choking off vitality, innovation, and common decency.

In , he founded Common Good , a nonprofit whose credo is "simplify government, put humans back in charge, and cut mindless red tape. Such moves would liberate more federal employees to take decisions in the public interest. As the rhetoric between American political parties grows more tense, Philip K.

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Howard offers a solution based in practicality. In his book, Howard explains how the ideologies of both the Democrats and Republicans have left Americans with little choice but to demand more for themselves. He believes that a successful democracy is built on accountability and outlines his framework here, arguing that current bureaucratic processes are inhibiting the change America needs. Distrust is the main hurdle to reforming civil service.

Personnel decisions require judgment, not objective proof. Can you prove that this person is so much worse than anyone else? Rickety transmission lines lose 6 percent of their electricity, the equivalent of coal-burning power plants. Century-old water-mains leak over 2 trillion gallons of fresh water a year.

Over 3 billion gallons of gasoline are consumed by vehicles idling in traffic jams. Half of fatal car accidents are caused in part by poor road conditions. The centerpiece of Mr. The Scaffold Law is a symptom of a systemic problem. Government needs a spring cleaning. The goal should be not to remove good programs, but to make it possible for good programs to work — such as rebuilding decrepit infrastructure without wasting billions.

Modern government fails not because the goals of, say, environmental review or worker safety are invalid, but because it tries to meet the goals with outmoded dictates that prescribe actions that make no sense, and, worse, prevent anyone in government from doing anything about it. It would also add hundreds of millions to the cost of other tunnel-related projects, like the expansion of Penn Station tracks. Small businesses need their own separate regulatory system. It should be simple.

It should be accessible from one place. And it should be focused on meeting regulatory goals rather than larded with details and prescriptions. That argument was made Wednesday by Philip K. Howard, founder of the anti-bureaucracy nonprofit Common Good, at a hearing before the U. House of Representatives Small Business Committee.

Howard called the current regulatory framework a "powerful disincentive to entrepreneurship" and blamed compliance costs--in both time and money--for part of the decline in business starts. Howard, were he the exulting type, could rejoice that some of his adversaries have taken a stand on indefensible terrain. Because the inaccurately named Center for American Progress has chosen to defend the impediments that government places in its own path regarding public works, it has done Howard the favor of rekindling interest in something he wrote in Howard , were he the exulting type, could rejoice that some of his adversaries have taken a stand on indefensible terrain.

That idea draws heavily from the "Two Years Not 10 Years" plan pitched personally to Trump by Philip Howard, the chairman of Common Good, a Brooklyn-based nonpartisan group that advocates for regulatory reform. In his original white paper outlining the ideas, Howard advocates for actions that "cut red tape" from agencies, including the Transportation Department and Environmental Protection Agency, that have slowly "grown out of control over the past several decades. Howard, founder and chairman of nonprofit public advocacy organization Common Good and the lead author of a September report on the subject.

Approvals today can take a decade, sometimes longer.

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Delay dramatically adds to costs and prevents projects from getting off the drawing board. Lengthy environmental review usually harms the environment—prolonging bottlenecks that spew carbon into the air and waste into our waters. Time is money: America could modernize its infrastructure at half the cost while dramatically enhancing environmental benefits, with a two-year approval process. The failure is imbedded in the idea that government can be a machine. Indeed, the operating philosophy of government is that regulation should be mindless compliance.

Human responsibility is the only alternative to mindless bureaucracy. Law can set goals and provide guiding principles, but common sense is impossible unless people — both officials and citizens — have the freedom to use their judgment at the point of implementation. What replaces red tape? Howard called for an overhaul of the infrastructure permitting process, cutting through red tape for faster decisions.

The environmental review for this project — again, a project with virtually no environmental impact — was 20, pages, including appendices. Proceeding on an expedited timetable, permits were finally awarded after five years. As Howard points out, current laws impose "a jungle of red tape. Then some self-styled environmentalists sued claiming It created a paralytic regulatory structure that prevents fixing infrastructure. Now it also refuses to help pay for it.

Only Congress can cut these bureaucratic knots, raise funds, and get America moving again. Every time you're in a traffic jam — starting, say, this afternoon — think about Congress. Infrastructure is a kind of canary in the mine of democracy. What Washington needs is what every successful business has: a hierarchy of responsibility that allows responsible people to hammer out accommodations and start making decisions again.

Yet regulation does cause some visible problems. Infrastructure projects are frequently bogged down in endless environmental reviews and consultations.

An example is a project to upgrade the Bayonne Bridge, which spectacularly arches between Staten Island and New Jersey. Elevating the road so that bigger cargo ships could pass underneath required 47 permits from 19 different government entities, according to Philip Howard, a legal writer. Regulators demanded a historical survey of every building within two miles of the bridge, even though the project affected none of them. It took from to mid, when building at last began, to satisfy all the regulatory requirements.

Donald Trump has a mandate to clean out the mess in Washington. Cutting waste is critical. This golden opportunity may fail, however, if the Trump administration starts a culture war by defunding EPA and other agencies popular with liberals, while leaving most waste untouched. Any significant new infrastructure-spending package would have to clear Congress. Overhauling the civil service must be the cornerstone of any serious effort to fix broken government. Regulatory reform is otherwise impossible.

Scrapping mindless rules requires empowering humans to take responsibility for results. Real choices—say, to focus environmental review on material impacts—can be practical again. Thick rule books could be replaced by pamphlets. But no one wants to give officials flexibility to use common sense unless they also can be held accountable when they are incompetent or mean-spirited. America needs to remake government for the 21st century.

The only path forward is to return to constitutional first principles and, by Executive Order, create a civil service system that restores the authority of the President and Federal supervisors to manage public employees. Restoring accountability up the chain of responsibility is no silver bullet, but it will allow public executives to rebuild an energetic and responsive public culture.

Instead of being bogged down in employee entitlements, government can once again work for the American people. What hasn't happened yet is a coherent approach to lifting the burden we have now. So get rid of them. Set a time limit on any review, and have the project go ahead if it is not met. The incompetence of public sector bureaucracies, so visible on the California high-speed rail, means that alternative arrangements need to be found. The requirements for environmental review are enormously lengthy and therefore expensive — and don't do much if anything for the environment.

Two new rail tunnels need to be built under the Hudson River to alleviate a critical rail bottleneck and permit overhaul of century-old tunnels. The purpose of this report is to outline the economic and environmental costs of different permitting timetables, and to propose approval mechanisms that will save taxpayers billions and avoid significant environmental harm.

Red-tape reformers have failed because they assume the problem is a matter of degree — that there are just too many rules. Liberals stride into the red-tape jungle with pruning shears, and find themselves entangled in the internal logic of the rules. Americans now have an historic opportunity to reimagine government. The key is to abandon the centralized operating philosophy which, in thousand-page rulebooks, purports to tell everybody how to do everything.

Government must still protect against abuse—otherwise freedom will be destroyed by bad actors just as surely as it is by suffocating bureaucracy. But government can protect freedom by adopting an oversight role that guards against abuses rather than micromanaging daily choices. Howard became alerted to the dysfunction of modern government in the early s through his volunteer work in civic affairs.

Since then he has written four books assailing over-legalization and founded a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization called Common Good to advocate reform—enlisting in his projects retired politicians from both the left and the right, including former senators Bill Bradley and Alan Simpson and former Indiana Gov.

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Mitch Daniels. The main hurdle is not financing, however, but red tape. Common Good, the nonprofit of which I am chairman, has a clear, bipartisan plan for fixing broken government: Simplify regulation so that individual responsibility, not rote bureaucracy, is the organizing principle of government. Laws should set goals and guiding principles, with clear lines of authority.

Simple frameworks will be sufficient, in most areas, to replace thousands of pages of micro-regulation. The disappearance of authority was no accident. After the s, we reorganized government to avoid fallible human judgment by replacing human authority with thick rulebooks. Critical infrastructure projects languish on drawing boards because no official has authority to give a permit. Schools are chaotic because teachers must prove in a due process hearing that Johnny threw the punch. In government without human authority, irresponsible actions have few consequences, and irresponsible words have no consequences.

Yell, hiss, lie… whatever. Such are the thoughts any reader might have while enjoying Abby W. Whereas Harsanyi and Howard aim broadly, however, Schachter examines the specific interplay of family and state: of children, parents, and the "village" doing its damnedest to get between them. Howard, who chairs Common Good, said in an interview Thursday. Something basic is missing in this season of political anger—a vision for how to fix broken government. Without a clear vision for change, the inertial forces of Washington will win again.

Four years from now, voters will be even angrier. On this particular day in March, Howard has invited some entrepreneurs from the Inc. Leventhal is especially vocal. His company spends a lot of money buying grapes from Sonoma and Napa, California, and he wants to trumpet that fact. But, as he explains, the U.

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Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau requires vintners that obtain grapes from "noncontiguous" states and include that information on their labels "to limit sales of wine produced with those grapes to the state in which that wine is produced"--in his case, New York.